Nepal
Research : Website on
Nepal and Himalayan Studies
|
|||||||||||||||
| CPN (Maoist) | press articles | background | archive |
Introduction
On 12 February 1996 the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) or shortly CPN-Maoist started its so-called "people’s war" (jana yuddha) to cause the downfall of state power, it called reactionary, and to establish a new people’s republic.
The CPN-Maoist is one of several splinter groups of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) that believe in the ideals of Chinese cultural revolution as it is represented nowadays by the Revolutionary International Movement (RIM). The CPN-Maoist came to birth when the political wing of Nepal’s radical left parties, the Samyukta Jana Morcha Nepal (SJMN) or United People’s Front Nepal, split in late 1993. At that time, the SJMN had been the third strongest force in the Pratinidhi Sabha (House of Representatives) with 9 MPs.
The splinter groups around Pushpa Kamal Dahal, better known as Comrade Prachanda, now called itself CPN-Maoist. Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, the former convenor of the SJMN, emerged as some kind of speaker of this new party trying hard for a common line of the Maoist forces. After the downfall of the Adhikari government in September 1995 and the following harsh government actions against the Maoist forces in western Nepal, the CPN-Maoist found the time ripe for revolution.
When the government of Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba disregarded a list of 40 demands presented by the Maoists, the party started its violent activities against state institutions and individuals in some districts of mid-western Nepal, especially in Rolpa, Rukum, Jajarkot, Salyan and Gorkha. The Maoists call it a people’s war aiming at a fundamental change of economy and social structure to introduce a new kind of democracy. The Nepali state, represented by the established political parties, calls it terrorist activities which have to be opposed forcefully.
Until the end of 2001, more than 2400 people have lost their lives, many by Maoist attacks but a lot more by police and army actions, and more than half of the country has been affected. The Maoist activities seem to be extended more and more using large armies of rebels for the attacks against police posts. The government, on the other hand, is talking about the involvement of the army calling it the only way to re-establish law and order in the country.
The governments have changed very often since the Maoists started their campaign. None of these governments has, so far, been willing to take it not simply as terrorism (what it is, in the way it is presented), but also to see the political, social and economic background, while looking for solutions. Sending in more and more police or even army troops is no solution. Ministers who even today say, they did not know what the Maoists want, are totally out of place. For her offensive, the government primarily does not need police or army but the implementation of effective politics that improve the lot of the poor in the rural areas. Only then, Maoist slogans will die away.
Sher Bahadur Deuba's first steps after he again became prime minister in late June 2001 opened up a very positive perspective for a peaceful dialogue, but all hopes were shattered when the Maoists called off the dialogue and restarted their violent attacks in late November 2001. Now, the army has become involved as well, and a state of emergency has been declared.
After the royal takeover of October 4, 2002, the Maoists opened the way to a dialogue with the state by suggesting three steps: a roundtable of all political forces including king/security forces, followed by the formation of an all-party interim government and general elections for a constituent assembly that is to draw up a new constitution. On 29 January 2003, the government and the Maoist leaders again declared a ceasefire. On 13 March 2003, government and Maoists agreed on a code of conduct for peace talks.
After three rounds of talks, the Maoists upheld only one of their fundamental demands, that for a constitutent assembly. This was rejected by the royal government which instead presented an agenda for major constitutional reforms with only vague details. As a result, the Maoists on August 27, 2003, broke off the peace dialogue and returned to their politics of violence and destruction.
Under great pressure from civil society, the Maoists on 22 November 2005, signed a agreement with leaders of seven other political parties in Delhi to go for a common crisis solution. After the people's movement of April 2006, the CPN (Maoist) entered into peace negotiations with the new Seven-Party-Alliance (SPA) government and signed a comprehensive peace agreement on 21 November 2006.
On January 15, 2007, the Maoists joined the new interim parliament that was formed after the promulgation of the interim constitution that had been written by representatives of the SPA and the Maoists. On April 1, 2007, they also joined the government of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. The Maoists again wuit this government on September 18, 2007, after weeks of quarrels over differences with the other parties in government.
On November 4, 2007, CPN (Maoist) and CPN (UML) together passed a resolution in parliament to change the election system for the CA elections to a fully proportinal one though they did not have the two thirds majority in parliament that would be necessary to change the constitution respectively.
Press articles (used media abbreviations)
Attention: After the royal putsch of February 1, 2005, most links related to information on the Maoist insurgency had been included in the special section on the crisis in Nepal! After the reinstatement of parliament, articles on the Maoists are once again included here.
2 UML men hurt in Maoist attack (kp 11/05/2008), Two thrashed for voting against CPN-Maoist (ht 11/05/2008)
Maoists encircle party office (kp 10/05/2008), Maoists burn Prachanda effigy over PR list, by Shiva Puri (kp 11/05/2008)
Intimidate not, Prachanda tells YCL (kp 06/05/2008) [Words are not enough! Bring the violators before law yourts!]
Kangaroo court strikes again!, by Dipendra Badu